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Abramowitz,
Jack. "John B. Rayner--A Grass Roots Leader." Journal of
Negro History. 36(2):160-193. April 1951.
Useful view of African-American participation in Texas Alliance-Populist
movement.
_____.
"The Negro in the Agrarian Revolt." Agricultural History.
24(2):89-95. April 1950.
Contends Negro farmers played a significant role in the agrarian
upheaval of the 1880s and 1890s.
_____.
"The Negro in the Populist Movement." Journal of Negro
History. 38(3):257-89. July 1953.
The Colored Farmers' Alliance was the best hope to end inequality.
When southern Populism collapsed, so did the movement for equal
rights.
Adams,
Olin Burton. "The Negro and the Agrarian Movement in Georgia,
1874-1908." 417 p. Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State U, 1973.
Allen,
Robert. Reluctant Reformers: Racism and Social Reform Movements in the
United States. Garden City, NY: 1975. Atkins,
Leah R. "Populism in Alabama: Reuben F. Kolb and the Appeals to
Minority Groups." Alabama Historical Quarterly. 32(3-4): 167-80.
Fall/Winter 1970.
Jews and Catholics were ignored.
Although the African-American vote was important, there was no
indication they would have been included at all levels of party activities
had Populists succeeded in 1894, even though Kolb had made an open appeal
for their votes.
Kolb had 19th-century white southern racial attitudes.
Bacote,
Clarence A. "Negro Proscriptions, Protests, and Proposed Solutions in
Georgia, 1880-1908." Journal of Southern History. 25(4):471-98.
November 1959.
_____.
"The Negro in Georgia Politics, 1880-1908." Ph.D. dissertation,
U of Chicago, 1955.
Baggozi,
Richard P. "Populism and Lynching in Louisiana." American
Sociological Review. 42(2):355-68. April 1977.
Comments on Inverarity's article. Also see Ira Wasserman,
"Southern Violence and the Political Process." pp. 359-62 and
Whitney Pope and Charles Ragin, "Mechanical Solidarity: Repressive
Justice and Lynchings in Louisiana," pp. 363-68.
Bagwell,
David Ashley. "'The Magical Process': The Sayer Election Law of
1893." Alabama Review. 25(2):83-104. 1972.
The intent of the law was to "establish an intricate procedure
and partisan election officials in order to place the votes of Negroes in
the conservative column."
The Australian ballot forced illiterate voters to dependend on
election judges. Barjenbruch, Judith. "The Greenback Political Movement: An Arkansas View." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 1977 36(2): 107-122. The Greenback Party often replaced the Republican Party by briefly allying itself with the Democrats. Its greatest appeal in Arkansas was to agrarian radicals. American History and Life, 16A:2313
Beeby,
James Matthew. "Revolt of the Tar Heelers: A socio-political history
of the North Carolina Populist Party, 1892-1901." Ph.D. dissertation,
Bowling Green State University, 1999.
DAI, 60, no. 11A (1999): 4147.
Populists fused with Republicans and defeated the
Democrats in 1894.
They subsequently passed a series of reforms that changed the North
Carolina politics and political culture.
Democrats responded with a white supremacy campaign in 1898 using
the interlocking themes of increased black power and the threat to white
womanhood.
Once back in office, Democrats repealed the reforms and
disfranchised most blacks and many poor whites.
Bovee,
John R. "'Doctor Huguet': Donnelly on Being
Black." Minnesota History. 41(6): 286-94. 1969.
Brittain,
Joseph Matt. "Negro Suffrage and Politics in Alabama Since
1870." 245 p. Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana U, 1958.
Dissertation Abstracts, 19:03:515.
Bryant,
Girard Thompson. "The Populist Movement and the Negro." M.A.
thesis, U of Kansas, 1938.
Budd,
Harrell. "The Negro in Politics in Texas, 1877-18986". M.A.
thesis, U of Texas, 1925.
Calista,
Donald J. "Booker T. Washington: Another Look." Journal of
Negro History. 49(4):240-255. October 1964.
Washington's struggle against Populists for Negro support.
Cantrell,
Gregg. Feeding the Wolf: John B. Rayner and the Politics of Race,
1850-1918. Wheeling, IL: Harlan Davidson, 2001.
125 pp.
African-American orator, organizer and political strategist for
Populist Party in Texas.
_____.
"John B. Rayner: A Study in Black Populist Leadership." Southern
Studies. 24(4):432-43. 1985.
Rayner was a prominent Texas Populist.
_____.
Kenneth and John B. Rayner and the Limits of Southern Dissent.
Urbana: U of Illinois Press, 1993.
Derived from "The Limits of Southern Dissent: The Lives of
Kenneth and John B. Rayner."
PhD dissertation, Texas A & M University, 1988.
John B. Rayner was the leading African-American Populist in Texas,
and a member of the third party's executive committee.
Kenneth was his white father, and a major Whig politician.
He became a Republican after the Civil War.
_____
and Barton, D. Scott. "Texas Populists and the Failure of Biracial
Politics." Journal of Southern History. 55: 659-92.
November 1989.
Informal fusion with Republicans in 1896 involved trading Populist
votes for president for Republican votes for the Populist's state ticket.
Many white Populists deserted the coalition.
They could not stomach voting for McKinley and the party of
African-Americans.
Carlson,
Andrew James. "White Man's Revolution: North Carolina and the
American Way of Race Politics, 1896-1901." Ph.D. dissertation, Brown
University, 1993.
DAI, 54, no. 10A, (1993): 3854.
In 1896 North Carolina fulfilled many of the best possibilities of
Gilded Age politics.
Governed by the most liberal election laws in the South, a Fusion
coalition of Republicans and Populists elected 8 of 9 United States
Representatives to the Congress, the nation's only African-American
congressman, and the state's first Republican Governor since 1877.
In 1897 and 1898 Democrats used their domination of the daily
newspapers to make the case that the Fusionists had brought an "Era
of Scandal" and "Negro domination" on the state.
The Spanish-American War became the background for a violent white
supremacy campaign and a massacre of innocent African-Americans.
Chafe,
William H. "The Negro and Populism: A Kansas Case Study," Journal
of Southern History. 34(3):402‑419. August 1968.
Negro considered Populism for protection and patronage. Based on
secondary works and newspapers.
_____.
"The Negro in Kansas Populism." 57 p. M.A. thesis, Columbia U,
1966. Crow,
Jeffrey J. "'Fusion, Confusion, and Negroism': Schisms Among Negro
Republicans in the North Carolina Election of 1896." North
Carolina Historical Review 1976 53(4): 364-384.
Black Republicans were divided over the gubernatorial candidacy of
Daniel L. Russell in 1896. Conservatives opposed Russell feared loss of
status within the Republican Party and disliked his public racial insults.
Fusionists favored Russell as a means of defeating the Democrats.
Democratic racism and good Republican organization caused a
majority of blacks to vote for Russell on election day. _____, "Tom Watson, Populists, and Blacks Reconsidered." Journal of Negro History 1970 55(2): 99-116. Watson maintained his devotion to white supremacy throughout his entire political career, but he did make a few token concessions to Negroes during the 1890's. He had an extremely secure and loyal following of people who were willing to tolerate his eccentricities because they were certain of his racist ideology and regional loyalty. Many of Watson's deviations can also be traced to his hatred of all things Wilsonian. America: History and Life, 8:1477 Dann,
Martin. "Black Populism: A Study of the Colored Farmers' Alliance
through 1891." Journal of Ethnic Studies 1974 2(3): 58-71.
The Colored Farmers' Alliance may have evolved out of secret rural
societies, some of them founded by Knights of Labor organizers.
The turning point for the CFA came between the Ocala Convention and
the Cincinnati Conference, when fears of whites increased in the face of
cotton pickers' strikes and CFA support for a third political party.
The failure of president R.M. Humphrey's call for a general strike
in September 1891 discredited the militant wing of the Alliance and
brought direct confrontation with the White Alliance, which generally
encouraged the brutal repression of black labor agitation. Degler, Carl N. "Black and White Together: Bi-Racial Politics in the South." Virginia Quarterly Review 1971 47(3): 421-444. The Readjuster Movement in Virginia during the 1880s under William Mahone was the most successful instance of political cooperation between blacks and whites in post-Civil War Virginia." It aimed at breaking the Bourbon hold on Virginia politics. In the early 1880s, Readjusters elected a governor, state legislature, two U.S. Senators, and a majority of the state's U.S. Congressional delegation. They scaled down the State debt ("Readjusted" it), expanded social services, improved schools for both races, and abolished public whippings, the poll tax, and dueling. Beginning in 1883, Democrats used the race issue to defeat the movement. America: History and Life, 9:3536
Dethloff,
Henry Clay and Jones, Robert
R. "Race Relations in Louisiana, 1877‑1898." Louisiana
History. 9(4):301-23. Fall 1968.
The reform movements of the 1890s contributed to Negro
disenfranchisement and undermined Bourbon, black-belt power. Drago,
Edmund L. "The Black Press and Populism, 1890-1896." San Jose
Studies 1975 1(1): 97-103.
Black newspapers between 1890 and 1896 almost unanimously supported
the Republican Party.
Edmonds,
Helen G. The Negro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina,
1894‑1901. 260 p. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1951. Fingerhut, Eugene R. "Tom Watson, Blacks, and Southern Reform." Georgia Historical Quarterly 1976 60(4): 324-343. Traces the career of the Georgia Populist leader Thomas E. Watson from about 1880 to the early 1900's, focusing on his attitudes toward Negroes. Early in his career he supported limited rights for blacks, especially the opportunity to vote, but later on he reversed his position and became a supporter of Negro disfranchisement because that position was more useful for the reforms he was then advocating. America: History and Life, 15A:8890 Franzoni,
Janet Brenner. "Troubled Tirader: A Psychobiographical Study of Tom
Watson." Georgia Historical Quarterly 1973 57(4): 493-510.
Watson's colorful tirades ranged in extremes from pro- to
anti-black, Catholic, and Jew.
America: History and Life,
11A:2943
Gaither,
Gerald Henderson. Blacks and the Populist Revolt: Ballots and Bigotry
in the New South. University: U of Alabama P, 1977.
A meaningful biracial Populist coalition based upon self-interest
degenerated into interracial discord as white Populists realized they
would not receive the bulk of black votes.
Derived from Ph.D. dissertation of same title, U of Tennessee,
1972. 394 pp. Dissertation Abstracts, 33:04A:1638.
Populist alliance with blacks portrays an inner ambivalence between
the racial experiences of the past and the needs of the present.
_____. "The Negro Alliance Movement in Tennessee, 1888-1891." West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 1973 (27): 50-62. Paternalism and self-interest exhibited by white Alliancemen indicates that black participation was welcomed only so long as white economic well-being was not threatened. America: History and Life, 17A:2649
Gallashaw,
Woodrow Wilson. "The Negro and the Populist Movement in South
Carolina."
Master's thesis, Atlanta University, 1946.
Gnatz,
William R. "The Negro and the Populist Movement in the South."
M.A. thesis, U of Chicago, 1961. Goodwyn,
Lawrence. "Populist Dreams and Negro Rights: East Texas as a Case
Study." American Historical Review 1971 76(5): 1435-1456.
Populists put together an interracial coalition that carried Grimes
County, Texas throughout the 1890s.
Despairing of ever recapturing the county, Democrats founded a
"White Man's Union" which, in 1900 retook the county through
assassination and terrorism.
Several black leaders wer murdered, and Democrats laid siege to the
Populist Sheriff's office.
The state militia eventually escorted the sheriff from the county.
As much as one-half of the county's black population also exited
the county as well.
Hare,
Maud Cuney. Norris Wright Cuney: A Tribune of the Black People. 230
p., illus. New York: 1913. Facsimile edition, Austin, Texas: Steck-Vaughn,
1968.
Biography of Texas Negro leader. Portion devoted to his views of
Populists, and their views on race. See pp. 159, 204.
Holmes,
William F. "The Arkansas Cotton Pickers Strike of 1891 and the Demise
of the Colored Farmers' Alliance." Arkansas Historical Quarterly
32(2): 107-119. 1973. _____. "The Demise of the Colored Farmers' Alliance." Journal of Southern History 41(2): 187-200. 1975. The Colored Farmers' Alliance urged hard work, sacrifice, land ownership, and other typical farm positions to improve the lot of the Negro farmer. The Alliance failed because of racism, competition with other farm organizations, and divisiveness in its own leadership. A Cotton Pickers' League called a strike in 1891. The strike failed, but whites equated it with the Alliance. America: History and Life, 14A:5241 _____. "The Leflore County Massacre and the Demise of the Colored Farmers' Alliance." Phylon 1973 34(3): 267-274. Examines the Leflore County Massacre in Mississippi in 1891 as a possible reason for the failure of the Colored Farmers' Alliance. America: History and Life, 13A:4317
_____.
"Populism and Black Americans: Constructive or Destructive?" Journal
of Negro History. 65(4):349-60. 1980.
_____.
"Populism in Black Belt Georgia: Racial Dynamics in Taliaferro County
Politics, 1890-1900." Georgia Historical Quarterly 1999 83(2):
242-266. _____. "Whitecapping: Agrarian Violence in Mississippi, 1902‑ 1906." Journal of Southern History. 35(2):165‑85. May 1969. Brief mention of how racist tags were attached to platforms and programs of the Farmers' Alliance and Populist Party in Mississippi. America: History and Life, 12A:4593 Hunt, James L. Marion Butler and American Populism. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. A revision of "Marion Butler and the Populist Ideal, 1863-1938." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin - Madison, 1990. DAI, 51, no. 04A, (1990). A detailed factual account of Butler's life. Butler served as national chairman of the Populist Party (1896-1904). Membership in the Farmers Alliance caused Butler to develop a comprehensive reform ideology, which included a demand for government control of natural monopolies. Butler directed the 1894 Populist victory in North Carolina. After Populism, Butler became a Roosevelt republican. Hunt contradicts Lawrence Goodwyn and C. Vann Woodward, contending Butler understood and supported the Omaha platform. He advocated coalition politics for practical purposes. America: History and Life, 23A:6796 Inverarity, James. "Populism and Lynching in Louisiana: 1889-1896: A Test of Erickson's Theory of the Relationship Between Boundary Crises and Repressive Justice." American Sociological Review 1976 41(2): 262-279. Applies [Kai T.] Erickson's theory of the relationship between crises in a community's solidarity and its exercise of repressive justice to the relationship between the Populist disruption of the Solid South and the incidence of lynching. There was a relationship between Populist competitiveness and the incidence of lynchings in a parish. America: History and Life, 14A:8510
Kantrowitz,
Stephen David. "Reconstruction of White Supremacy: Reaction and
Reform in Ben Tillman's World, 1847-1918." PhD dissertation,
Princeton University, 1995.
DAI, v. 56-09A, p. 3714, 410 pp. Kirshenbaum, Andrea Meryl. "'The Vampire That Hovers Over North Carolina': Gender, White Supremacy, and the Wilmington Race Riot of 1898." Southern Cultures 1998 4(3): 6-30. Democrats manipulated race and gender in order to destroy the Populist-Republican coalition in 1898. Democratic newspapers blamed "Negro domination" and black males' alleged threat to white women's virtue to inflame passions against Populists and republicans. Fusionists responded in kind, but in order to maintain their coalition also defended black rights. In the wake of the 1898 Democratic victory, Wilmington whites rioted, killing many blacks and running Fusionist politicians out of town. America: History and Life, 36:10919 Korobkin,
Russell. "The Politics of Disfranchisement in Georgia." Georgia
Historical Quarterly 1990 74(1): 20-58.
Refutes J. Morgan Kousser, The Shaping of Southern Politics.
Those responsible for disfranchisement did not urge it for racial,
but rather for political reasons, despite racially inflamed rhetoric.
Disfranchisement was a reform urged by former Populists,
independents, and non-machine Democrats. America:
History and Life, 29:2855
Kousser,
J. Morgan. The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and
the Establishment of the One-Party South. 319 p. New Haven and London:
Yale UP, 1974.
Disfranchisement was a conservative plot designed to suppress white
political dissent (Populism) in addition to eliminating blacks from the
political system.
Quantification.
Kremm,
Thomas W. and Diane Neal. "Challenges to Subordination: Organized
Black Agrarian Protest in South Carolina, 1886-1895." South
Atlantic Quarterly. 77(1):98-112. 1978.
Letwin,
Daniel. "Interracial Unionism, Gender, and "Social
Equality" in the Alabama Coalfields, 1878-1908." Journal of
Southern History 1995 61(3): 519-554.
The Greenback Party, Knights of Labor, and United Mine Workers all
advocated a qualified form of inter-racialism in the coal fields of
Alabama.
The absence of white women made interracial unionism possible.
The sanctity of white womanhood was a crucial factor in promoting
segregation.
Lewinson,
Paul. Race, Class and Party: A History of Negro Suffrage and White
Politics in the South. 302 p. New York: Oxford UP, 1932. Reprinted New
York: Russell and Russell, 1963.
_____.
"The Negro in the White Class and Party Struggle." Southwestern
Political and Social Science Quarterly. 8:358-82. March 1928.
Lewis,
Robert David. "The Negro in Agrarian Uprisings, 1865-1900." M.A.
thesis, State University of Iowa, 1938. 114 pp.
Lewis,
J. Eugene. "The Tennessee Gubernatorial Campaign and Elections of
1894." Tennessee Historical Quarterly. 12:99-126. June 1954.
Negroes and Populists in the Tennessee elections of 1894. Lief,
Julia Wiech. "A Woman of Purpose: Julia B. Nelson." Minnesota
History 1981 47(8): 302-314.
After 19 years teaching in black schools in Texas and Tennessee,
she returned to Minnesota in 1888.
She became a Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) organizer, a
National Woman Suffrage Association lecturer, and then editor of the state
WCTU monthly paper.
She also participated in the local affairs of Red Wing.
She was the Populist candidate for superintendent of schools in
1896.
She bequeathed her estate to a black former student.
Logan,
Frenise A. "The Negro in North Carolina, 1876-1894." Chapel
Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1964. 244 p. Lovett, Christopher C. "'To Serve Faithfully': The Twenty-Third Kansas Volunteer Infantry and the Spanish-American War." Kansas History 1998-99 21(4): 256-275. Black leaders worked with Populist Governor John W. Leedy to have a two-battalion regiment of African-American troops raised in Kansas. Leedy called the 23d Kansas Volunteer Infantry into being to appease black leaders, further the Populist ideal of a coalition between the races, and to garner votes. Difficulty with the Topeka police force led to the battalions' departure for Cuba before training was complete. Arriving there in late August 1898, the regiment guarded Spanish prisoners and worked at supplying vital services to the San Luis province. America: History and Life, 36:9268
Mabry,
William Alexander. "Ben Tillman Disfranchised the Negro." South
Atlantic Quarterly. 37(2):170-183. April 1938.
Southern Populists were racists.
_____.
The Negro in North Carolina Politics Since Reconstruction. 87 p.
Historical Papers of the Trinity College Historical Society, Series III.
Durham: Duke U P, 1940.
_____.
"Negro Suffrage and Fusion Rule in North Carolina." North
Carolina Historical Review. 12:79-102. April 1935.
McMillan,
Malcolm C. Constitutional Development in Alabama, 1798-1901: A Study in
Politics, the Negro, and Sectionalism. 412 p., bib. James Sprunt
Studies in History and Political Science. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina
P, 1955.
Populists set the stage for Negro disfranchisement.
Miller,
Floyd J. "Black Protest and White Leadership: A Note on the Colored
Farmers' Alliance." Phylon. 33(2):169-74.
General Superintendent Richard Manning Humphrey, 1834-1906.
Miller,
Worth Robert. "Harrison County Methods: Election Fraud in Late
Nineteenth-Century Texas." Locus 1995 7(2): 111-128.
Harrison County used separate polling places for federal and
state/local elections because of trouble with federal authorities in the
1880s.
The author compares the honest federal election results with the
corrupt state/local results to gauge the level of corruption.
It was enormous.
Evidence from elsewhere in Texas indicates Harrison County was not
an anomaly.
Democratic Party corrupt election practices included stuffing
ballot boxes; voting by dogs, horses, mules, deceased citizens, famous
national figures, and illegally naturalized Mexicans; bribery; economic
coercion; physical intimidation and murder.
Such practices kept Republicans and Populists from office, and
prevented Populism from developing prominent Southern leaders, which
allowed westerners to define the movement in a way that contributed to its
failure in 1896.
Reprint: http://history.smsu.edu/wrmiller. Miller, Floyd J. "Black Protest and White Leadership: A Note on the Colored Farmers' Alliance." Phylon 1972 33(2): 169-174. About white missionary, Richard Manning Humphrey, in forming and developing the Colored Farmers' Alliance in 1888. America: History and Life, S:2809
Moneyhon,
Carl H. "Black Politics in Arkansas During the Gilded Age,
1876-1900." Arkansas Historical Quarterly. 44(3):222-45. 1985.
Some on fusion.
Morton,
Richard Lee. The Negro in Virginia Politics, 1865-1902. 199 p.
Charlottesville: U of Virginia Publications, 1919. Moseley, Charlton. "Latent Klanism in Georgia, 1890-1915." Georgia Historical Quarterly 1972 56(3): 365-386. The Ku Klux Klan remained dormant in the South until the Populist era. Then it was reactivation for a series of racially biased, violent incidents directed against blacks and Jews. America: History and Life, S:6818
Naison,
Mark D. "Black Agrarian Radicalism in the Great Depression: The
Threads of a Lost Tradition." Journal of Ethnic Studies.
1(3):47-65. 1973. Nelson,
Richard. "The Cultural Contradictions of Populism: Tom Watson's
Tragic Vision of Power, Politics, and History." Georgia Historical
Quarterly 1988 72(1): 1-29.
Watson's views did not change, as some historians have suggested,
but were responses to situations caused by conflict between his republican
ideology and his ambition.
Ogden,
Frederic. The Poll Tax in the South. 301 p., diagrams, tables.
Tuscaloosa: U of Alabama P, 1958.
The rise of the Populist Party promoted the movement for Negro
disfranchisement. By division of the white vote the situation was
favorable for the Negro to exercise the balance of power. Olzak,
Susan. "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban
Racial Violence, 1882-1914." Social Forces 1990 69(2):
395-421.
Economic slumps that affected the least-skilled workers increased
rates of both lynching and urban racial violence, as did rising
competition from immigration.
The Populist challenge to one-party rule and the changing fortunes
of the cotton economy increased the incidence of lynchings.
America: History and Life, 29:12682
Perry,
Douglass Geraldyne. "Black Populism: The Negro in the People's Party
in Texas." M.A. thesis, Prairie View A&M College of Texas, 1945.
Generally negative.
Perry was heavily influenced by interview with African-American
banker William "Gooseneck Bill" McDonald. Peterson,
John M. "The People's Party of Kansas: Campaigning in 1898." Kansas
History 1990-91 13(4): 235-258.
Analyzes 250 pieces of recently discovered correspondence relating
to the Kansas Populist campaign in 1898.
They appealed particularly to blacks and Germans. The Kansas
People's Party in 1898 was "an orderly political organization which
conducted well-organized campaigns at all levels down to the township or
precinct."
_____.
"From Yeoman to Beast: Images of Blackness in Caesar's Column." American
Studies 1971 12(2): 21-31.
Examines the place of prejudice in Ignatius Donnelly's Caesar's
Column.
His images of black revolt connect the book with the appeals of
southern white supremacists in the Gilded Age. Pollack, Norman. "Ignatius Donnelly on Human Rights: A Study of Two Novels." Mid-America 1965 47(2): 99-112. Donnelly's novels, Doctor Huguet (1891) and The Golden Bottle (1892) were affirmations of man irregardless of race, religion, or ethnicity. America: History and Life, 2:2377
Pope,
Whitney and Charles Ragin, "Mechanical Solidarity: Repressive Justice
and Lynchings in Louisiana," American Sociological Review.
42(2):363-68. 1977.
Also see Ira Wasserman, "Southern Violence and the Political
Process." pp. 359-62 and Richard P. Baggozi, "Populism
and Lynching in Louisiana." pp. 355-68. Pruett, Katharine M. and Fair, John D. "Promoting a New South: Immigration, Racism, and 'Alabama on Wheels'" Agricultural History 1992 66(1): 19-41. Alabama on Wheels was a traveling railroad exhibit in the 1880's designed to attract white immigrants to the state as an alternative labor supply to freed blacks. Reuben F. Kolb hoped white immigrants would displace "decadent Negroes" whom Kolb believed were responsible for the poverty of the South. Xenophobia thwarted the immigration that Kolb wanted. America: History and Life, 30:10121
Ransom,
Roger L., and Richard Sutch. One Kind of Freedom: The Economic
Consequences of Emancipation. New York: Cambridge UP, 1977.
Reddick,
Jamie Lawson. "The Negro and the Populist Movement in Georgia."
M.A. thesis, Atlanta U, 1937.
Redding,
Kent Thomas. "Making Power: Elites in the Constitution of
Disfranchisement in North Carolina, 1880-1900." Ph.D. dissertation,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1995.
DAI, 56, no. 07A, (1995).
The Farmers' Alliance and Populist Party used innovative tactics to
challenge the economics and politics of the "New" South and,
with Republicans, gain control of state government from 1894 to 1898.
Demorats responded with a virulent white supremacy campaign and
disfranchisement.
Reinhart,
Cornel Justin. "Populism and the Black: A Study in Ideology and
Social Strains." Ph.D. dissertation, U of Oklahoma, 1972.
Dissertation Abstracts, 33:1126-A.
Rice,
Lawrence D. The Negro in Texas, 1874-1900. 309 p. Baton Rouge:
Louisiana State UP, 1971. Rodabaugh, Karl Louis. "Fusion, Confusion, Defeat, and Disfranchisement: The 'Fadeout of Populism' in Alabama." Alabama History Quarterly 1972 34(2): 131-153. The Democratic Party destroyed the political power of the Populists and the Republicans using the race issue. America: History and Life, S:7034 Rogers, William W. "The Negro Alliance in Alabama." Journal of Negro History. 45(1):38-44. January 1960. African-American alliances generally had the strong sympathy and support of the white alliances, with which they cooperated. Both black and white alliances declined sharply after 1891 when they began to neglect their economic programs and became involved in politics. America: History and Life, 0:4720
Ross,
John Raymond. "Andrew Jackson Spradley: A Texas Sheriff."
Master's thesis, Stephen F. Austin State University, 1973.
As the Populist sheriff of Nacogdoches County, Spradley protected
blacks.
Also see Fuller, A Texas Sheriff. Saunders, Robert. "Southern Populists and the Negro, 1893-1895." Journal of Negro History. 54(3):240‑61. July 1969. Contends Populists were indifferent to Negro needs, only used them for own ends, and never intend social equality. America: History and Life, 7:1714
_____.
"The Transformation of Tom Watson, 1894-1895." Georgia
Historical Quarterly. 54(3):339-356. Fall 1970.
Watson becomes conservative.
Shapiro,
Herbert. "The Populists and the Negro: A Reconsideration." Pp.
27-36, Vol. II, Making of Black America. August Meier and Elliott
Rudwick, eds. New York: Atheneum, 1969.
Simkins,
Francis Butler. "Ben Tillman's View of the Negro." Journal of
Southern History. 3(2):161-174. May 1937.
Studies Tillman's racial attitudes while he was South Carolina's
Senator during the years 1898-1909. Simms, L. Moody, Jr. "A Note on Sidney Lanier's Attitude Toward the Negro and Toward Populism." Georgia Historical Quarterly. 52(3):305-07. 1968. Lanier, Southern writer, early proposed end of "color question" by letting Negro become small farmer. This would unite him with white small farmers, for effective political action and end of color bar. Precedes Watson and Populist by ten years. America: History and Life, 6:1159 Simms-Brown, R. Jean. "Populism and Black Americans: Constructive or Destructive?" Journal of Negro History 1980 65(4): 349-360. Blacks recognized that no political party really cared for their welfare, so they advocated that the black vote be used as a balance of power mechanism for any party offering a positive and progressive program. America: History and Life, 19A:7635.
Sipress,
Joel M. "The Triumph of Reaction: Political Struggle in a New South
Community, 1865-1898." Ph.D. dissertation, University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1993.
DAI, 54, no. 12A, (1993): 4568.
From 1865 to 1900, black laborers and white yeomen competed with
the Grant Parish elite for local political power.
The political victory of the Grant Parish elite did not come
easily.
Black laborers and white yeomen proved unable to form lasting
alliances across racial lines. Soule, Sarah A. "Populism and Black Lynching in Georgia, 1890-1900." Social Forces 1992 71(2): 431-449. Rates of racial violence rose when interracial competition increased. This increase was due primarily to black migration to Southern manufacturing areas, black participation in the cotton economy, and the rise of black participation in the Populist movement. Black counties and counties with a higher degree of farm tenancy were more likely to have supported Populist candidates, and manufacturing counties were less likely to vote Populist. Lynching rates were found to increase when economic competition increased, but counties that voted Populist did not have significantly higher rates of black lynching. America: History and Life, 34:11612 Spriggs, William Edward. "The Virginia Farmers' Alliance: A Case Study of Race and Class Identity." Journal of Negro History 1979 64(3): 191-204. Because of limited contact and cooperation with the white Farmers' Alliance (and racism), the Virginia Colored Alliance identified itself more with its race. America: History and Life, 18A:2725
Stein,
Judith. "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others." Science and
Society. 38(4): 422-63. 1974-75.
Focuses on Populism, Booker T. Washington and disfranchisement,
1900-1910.
Taylor,
A. Elizabeth. "The Convict Lease System in Georgia, 1866-1908."
Master's thesis, U of North Carolina, 1940.
Taylor,
Joseph H. "Populism and Disfranchisement in Alabama." Journal
of Negro History. 34(4):410-27. October 1949.
Populist success in 1892 and 1894 resulted in the more stringent
voting qualifications established in 1901.
Tindall,
George B. "The Campaign for the Disfranchisement of Negroes in South
Carolina." Journal of Southern History. 15(2):212-34. May
1949.
Populists contributed to Negro disfranchisement.
_____.
South Carolina Negroes, 1877-1900. 336 p. Baton Rouge: Louisiana
State U P, 1966.
First published by U of South Carolina P, 1951. Pages 117‑19
give a good sketch of the Colored Farmers' Alliance.
Tindall said it did little for the Negro politically, but did
advance his knowledge about farming techniques and mechanization.
Wasserman,
Ira. "Southern Violence and the Political Process." American
Sociological Review. 42(2):359-62. 1977.
Also see Richard P. Baggozi, "Populism and Lynching in
Louisiana." pp. 355-68 and Whitney Pope, and Charles Ragin,
"Mechanical Solidarity: Repressive Justice and Lynchings in
Louisiana," pp. 363-68.
Wharton,
Vernon L. The Negro in Mississippi, 1865-1890. 298 p. Chapel Hill,
U of North Carolina P, 1947.
Excellent background on African-Americans in Populist Revolt.
Wilhoit, Francis M. "An Interpretation of Populism's Impact on the Georgia Negro." Journal of Negro History 1967 52(2): 116-127. Conclusions drawn from the Georgia election of 1892 led Georgia Populist leaders to exclude blacks from political life. America: History and Life, 4:2720
Woodward,
C. Vann. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 224 p. New York: Oxford
UP, 1955.
_____.
"Tom Watson and the Negro in Agrarian Politics." Journal of
Southern History. 4(1):14-33. February 1938.
Woodward,
C. Vann. Tom Watson: Agrarian rebel. 518 p. New York: Macmillan,
1938.
Reprint by Rinehart. 1955.
Derived from Ph.D. dissertation, "The Political and Literary
Career of Thomas E. Watson." U of North Carolina, 1937.
Woodward,
Comer V. "The Political and Literary Career of Thomas E.
Watson." Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill, 1937. ADD, W1937, (1937): 0076.
Wynes,
Charles E. Race Relations in Virginia, 1870-1902. 164 p.
Charlottesville, U of Virginia P, 1961.
The chief impetus to disfranchisement and segregation came from
Conservative and Democratic party leaders. |