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Barjenbruch, Judith. "The
Greenback Political Movement: An Arkansas View." Barr, Alwyn. "B. J. Chambers and
the Greenback Party Split." Mid-America 1967 49(4): 276-284.
Gives Chambers' background and stand on the major issues of the
day. His nomination for vice
president on the Greenback-Labor Party ticket in 1880 was the result of a
split between its eastern labor and western farmer (fusionist) wings. American
History and Life, 5:2624 Beals, Carleton. The Great Revolt
and Its Leaders: The History of Popular American Uprising in the 1890s.
367 p. New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1968.
Farmers' revolt of the 1890s as the last gasp of the frontier. Revolts help preserve individual human freedom for coming
generations. A popular
treatment. Borough, Reuben W. "Education of a
Midwestern Socialist." Michigan history. 50(3):235-54.
1966. This is the third part
of an autobiography deals chiefly with Borough's experiences at the
University of Michigan and the beginning of his career in journalism.
At 17, Boroughs was a delegate to the 1900 Populist National
Convention. Briel, Ronald C. "Preface to
Populism: A Social Analysis of Minor Parties in Nebraska Politics,
1876-1890." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Nebraska - Lincoln,
1981. DAI, 42, no. 01A, (1981): 0344.
Compares and contrasts the nature of the electoral support for
agrarian third parties and the degree to which there was continuity in
their base of support from one election to another in Platte, Saunders,
Hall, and Lancaster counties. There was no single political constituency for third parties.
Greenbackers, Antimonopolists, and Populists tended to have rural
occupations and pietistic ethnocultural affiliations.
United Labor and Union labor supporters tended to have urban
occupations. Buck, Solon J. The Granger Movement:
A Study of Agricultural Organization and its Political, Economic and
Social Manifestations, 1870‑1880. 384 p. Cambridge: Harvard UP,
1913. Carruthers, Bruce G. and Babb, Sarah.
"The Color of Money and the Nature of Value: Greenbacks and Gold in
Postbellum America." American Journal of Sociology 1996
101(6): 1556-1591. During the
greenback era of the 1860's-70's, two monetary alternatives (gold-based
money and paper money) were debated, which raised many questions about the
nature of monetary value. Using a "macrocultural" approach, the
authors analyze the rhetoric of greenbacker and bullionist writings to
study the social construction and deconstruction of a taken-for-granted
institution. American History and Life,
34:14048 Cassity, R. O. Joe, Jr. "The Political Career of Patrick S. Nagle: 'Champion of the Underdog.'" Chronicles of Oklahoma 1986-87 64(4): 48-67. Nagle was Cleveland's territorial marshal in the 1890s. He turned to the left by 1905, joining the Farmer's Union, which espoused such populist ideals as government ownership of railroads, telephone systems, utility companies, and street cars. Three years later, Nagle joined the Socialist Party. He was committed to peaceful methods of change through mass education and political action, and supported equal rights for women and blacks. He was the Socialist candidate for the U.S. Senate when the party peaked in 1914. America: History and Life, Colbert, Thomas Burnell.
"Disgruntled 'Chronic Office Seeker' or Man of Political Integrity:
James Baird Weaver and the Republican Party in Iowa, 1857-1877." Annals
of Iowa 1988 49(3-4): 187-207. Weaver
was a Republican leader in Iowa between 1857 and 1877. He suffered a series of defeats by advocating Temperance.
When he departed the Republican Party to become a Greenbacker,
Weaver was accused of sacrificing political conviction in order to win
elections. His disenchantment
with the GOP, however, came from his belief that they had lost touch with
their own ideals and interest in the people. America:
History and Life, 26:10627
____. "Political Fusion in Iowa: The Election of James B. Weaver to Congress in 1878." Arizona and the West 1978 20(1): 25-40. Weaver's advocacy of Prohibition and Greenbackism alienated him from the Republican Party. In 1878, he bolted the GOP and ran for Congress as a Greenbacker. Fusion with Democrats was crucial to his election. He soon gained national prominence as an agrarian leader. America: History and Life, 16A:5385 Cowden, Frances Kay. "H.S.P.
Ashby: A Voice for Reform, 1886-1914." Ph.D. dissertation, University
of Oklahoma, 1996. DAI, 57,
no. 03A, (1996): 1288. "Stump"
Ashby was one of the more colorful leaders of Texas Populism.
He helped found the party in 1891, and was the Populist candidate
for lieutenant governor in 1896. He
moved to Oklahoma about 1900 and became active in the reform wing of the
Democratic Party. Crunden, Robert M. "George D.
Herron in the 1890s: A New Frame of Reference for the Study of the
Progressive Era." Annals of Iowa 1973 42(2): 81-113.
Congregational minister Herron was a Populist and Progressive.
He belonged to several reform organizations, and made a name for
himself by arguing that "economic competition was always opposed to
moral development." He was expelled from his church for his radical
socialism and from Iowa College for what was regarded as immoral behavior.
America:
History and Life,
13A:5362 Degler, Carl N. "Black and White
Together: Bi-Racial Politics in the South." Virginia Quarterly
Review 1971 47(3): 421-444. The Readjuster Movement in Virginia during
the 1880s under William Mahone was the most successful instance of
political cooperation between blacks and whites in post-Civil War
Virginia." It aimed at breaking the Bourbon hold on Virginia politics.
In the early 1880s, Readjusters elected a governor, state
legislature, two U.S. Senators, and a majority of the state's U.S.
Congressional delegation. They
scaled down the State debt ("Readjusted" it), expanded social
services, improved schools for both races, and abolished public whippings,
the poll tax, and dueling. Beginning
in 1883, Democrats used the race issue to defeat the movement. America:
History and Life, 9:3536 Doolen, Richard M. "'Brick'
Pomeroy and the Greenback Clubs." Journal of the Illinois State
Historical Society 1972 65(4): 434-450.
Journalist Pomeroy was a principal figure in the Greenback Party
club movement. a journalist. Before
inter-party rivalries intervened, nearly 6,000 Greenback Clubs had been
chartered. Pomeroy resisted
fusion politics even after soft-money men had assumed leadership in the
Democratic Party. America: History and Life,
13A:768 _____. "The Greenback Party in the
Great Lakes Middlewest." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan,
1969. DAI, 30, no. 09A,
(1969): 3881. _____. "The National Greenback Party in Michigan Politics, 1876-88." Michigan History 1963 47(2): 161-183. The Greenback Party in Michigan grew slowly at first. In 1880, however, 18 Greenbackers were elected to the legislature and the party's total popular vote almost equaled that of the Democrats who, in turn, gained on the Republicans. This marked the apogee of Greenback strength. Running fusion tickets with Democrats diluted its independent importance in the eighties, although a Greenbacker was elected governor in 1882. The Greenback Party was strongest in the western and northern counties of the Lower Peninsula. The temporary success of this harbinger of Populism was directly related to depressed agricultural prices. While farmers acted in response to genuine economic grievances, the party's leaders, who were "men of considerable wealth and prestige," were motivated by resentment toward eastern bankers and considerations of security and status. America: History and Life, 1:521 _____. "Pastor in Politics: The
Congressional Career of the Reverend Gilbert de la Matyr." Indiana
Magazine of History 1972 68(2): 103-124.
Methodist minister Gilbert De La Matyr began preaching in favor of
financial and currency reform he catapulted in the 1870s.
His references to the moneyed classes as oppressors of the masses
incurred the wrath of conservatives.
In 1878, the Indianapolis Sun became his defender and began
carrying his sermons on financial reform.
His fellow ministers forced him to retire from the pulpit in 1878,
when he ran for Congress on the Greenback Party ticket.
Once in Washington, he did propose several pieces of legislation
but none passed. He was
defeated for reelection in 1880 when the Democrats withdrew from fusion.
De La Matyr probably brought Greenbackism a certain degree of
respectability. America: History and Life,
14A:822 Formisano, Ronald P. and Shade, William
P. "The Concept of Agrarian Radicalism." Mid-America 1970
52(1): 3-30. Contradicts
analyses of Frank L. Klement and Stanley L. Jones who point to a continuum
of issues and leaders linking Jacksonian Democracy, the Copperheads,
Greenbackers, and the Grange Movement.
Using Illinois as an example, Formisano and Slade show that demands
for railroad regulation were largely nonpartisan, leading Democrats were
"Bourbons" rather than "agrarian radicals," few
Copperheads became Grangers or Greenbackers, and antiwar Democrats were
lawyer-politicians from southern Illinois while Grangers and Greenbackers
were strongest in Northern Illinois. America:
History and Life, 10:2535 French, John D. "'Reaping the Whirlwind': The Origins of the Allegheny County Greenback-Labor Party in 1877." Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 1981 64(2): 97-119. An alliance of labor and currency reformers in July 1877 in Pittsburgh resulted in the formation of the Greenback Labor Party, which denounced the government's suppression of the great strike of railroad workers in July 1877, the national banking system, and the contraction of currency. America: History and Life, 19A:4460 Griffiths, David B. "Anti-Monopoly
Movement in California, 1873-1898." Southern California Quarterly
1970 52(2): 93-121. Reform
parties and associations, including the People's Independent Party
(1873-79), the International Workingmen's Association (Socialist,
1881-86), the San Francisco Nationalist Club (Bellamy Socialists,
1889-90), and the Populist Party (1891-98), were anti-monopolistic and
opposed to the Southern Pacific Railroad, the most powerful political and
economic force in California. Each
movement suffered from factionalism.
Despite their failures, many of their ideas were later promoted by
California Progressives. Himelhoch, Myra. "St. Louis Opposition to David R. Francis in the Gubernatorial Election of 1888." Missouri Historical Review 1974 68(3): 327-343. Democrat Francis, the mayor of St. Louis, won the gubernatorial election of 1888, despite being soundly defeated in his hometown of St. Louis. Anti-Cleveland sentiment, possible election irregularities involving blacks and foreigners, difficulties with the labor vote, anti-prohibitionists opposition, and a reform-Democrat campaign led by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch explain his rejection. America: History and Life, 13A:4412 Hurt,
R. Douglas. "John R. Rogers: The Union Labor Party, Georgism and
Agrarian Reform." Journal of the West 1977 16(1): 10-15.
Reviews John R. Rogers, concentrating on his years in Kansas. As a
member of the Greenback Party, and as a leader of the Union Labor Party,
he attacked both major parties for unwillingness to deal with problems.
While in Kansas he published the Newton Kansas Commoner. He left Kansas in
1890 and moved to Washington, where in 1896 he was elected governor. Hyman, Michael R. The
Anti-Redeemers: Hill-Country Political Dissenters in the Lower South from
Redemption to Populism. Baton Rouge and London: LSU Press, 1990.
Anti-Redeemers agitated railroad regulation, tax reform, and a
larger role for government. The
political dissidents of 1870s and 1880s influenced and helped shape
Populists' agenda. James, Edward T. "Ben Butler Runs for President: Labor, Greenbackers, and Anti-Monopolists in the Election of 1884." Essex Institute Historical Collections 1977 113(2): 65-88. Even with support from the Anti-Monopoly Convention, Greenbackers, and labor, Butler's People's Party failed to stop Grover Cleveland's nomination at the Democratic convention and subsequent election. America: History and Life, 16A:1099 James, Edward T. "T.V. Powderly, A
Political Profile." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography
1975 99(4): 443-459. Originally
a supporter of the Greenback-Labor party, Powderly became national head of
the Knights of Labor in 1879. Its membership peaked around 1886, but
shortly thereafter the Knights became more small-town and political-reform
oriented. Powderly became a
Republicans in 1894. President
McKinley appointed him Commissioner-General of Immigration in 1897. Kleppner,
Paul. "The Greenback and Prohibition Parties." in Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr. ed., History of U.S. Political Parties. New York:
Chelsea House, 1973. pp. 1549-68. Kolnick, Jeffrey. "Rural-Urban
Conflict and Farmer-Labor Politics: Blue Earth County, 1885-1886." Minnesota
History 1994 54(1): 32-45. Blue
Earth County's Farmer-Labor Party, in conjunction with the Farmers'
Alliance and the Knights of Labor, had remarkable success in rallying
voters and in influencing the major parties on local and state issues
during 1885-86. This tradition of radicalism reemerged in the 20th century
when, during the height of Franklin D. Roosevelt's popularity, the
Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party was able to overshadow the state's Democratic
Party. Kramer, Dale. The Wild Jackasses:
The American Farmer in Revolt. 260 p. New York: Hastings, 1956.
A popular account of the Grange, Populists, Nonpartisan League, and
Farmers' Union. 1867-1933. Kremenak,
Nellie Wilson. "Urban Workers in the Agricultural Middle West,
1856-1893: With A Case Study of Fort Dodge and Webster County, Iowa."
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Iowa, 1995.
DAI, 56, no. 07A, (1995): 2838.
The Great Railroad Strike of 1877 signaled the close of a period of
more open opportunity and generated a reappraisal of community values by
both working people and local elites.
For many working people, that reevaluation led to affiliation with
the Knights of Labor, which challenged economic and political power
structures. The Knights
forged political alliances with reform-minded middle class neighbors.
Working class political activism contributed to the great political
realignment of the late nineteenth century. Kuropiatnik, G.P. Fermerskoe dvizhenie v SShA: Ot Greindzherovk Narodnoi partii, 1867-1896 (The Farmers' Movement in the USA: From the Granges to the Populists, 1867-1896). 438 p. Moscow: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka," 1971. Russian. Lause, Mark A.
The Civil War's Last Campaign: James B. Weaver, the Greenback-Labor
Party, and the Politics of Race and Section. Lanham, MD; NY; and
Oxford: University Press of America, 2001. Gen. James Baird Weaver made
his case for the meaning of their victory in Civil War during the
presidential election of 1880.
The campaign briefly united the efforts of thousands of farmers, workers,
women, and African-Americans protesting their betrayal by the Republicans
who had ended Reconstruction. Insurgents included moderate liberals
disgusted by the corruption of the two-party system, militant socialists,
advocates of environmental awareness, vegetarians and spritualists.
Generationally, the 1880 GLP campaign included abolitionists, socialists,
land reformers, suffragists and others along with many later active as
Populists, Progressives, Nationalists, Social Democrats, anarchists, etc.
whose work continued well into the twentieth century. Letwin, Daniel. "Interracial
Unionism, Gender, and "Social Equality" in the Alabama
Coalfields, 1878-1908." Journal of Southern History 1995
61(3): 519-554. The Greenback
Party, Knights of Labor, and United Mine Workers all advocated a qualified
form of interracialism in the coal fields of Alabama.
The absence of white women in the workplace made interracial unionism possible
because the sanctity of white womanhood was a crucial factor in
promoting segregation.
America: History and Life,
33:9480 Macoll, John D. "Ezra A. Olleman:
The Forgotten Man of Greenbackism, 1873-1876." Indiana Magazine of
History 1969 65(3): 173-196. A
prosperous Indiana merchant, Olleman became one of the prime movers in the
Greenback movement. As
associate editor of the Indiana Farmer, Olleman helped found the
Greenback Party in Indiana, but in 1876 he fell out with the State's party
leaders. His lasting
influence is a result of his editorial work for the Greenback movement.America:
History and Life, 8:1385 Magliari, Michael. "What Happened to the Populist Vote? A California Case Study." Pacific Historical Review 1995 64(3): 389-412. Quantification. Old Populists fragmented into important elements of the Socialist Party, the Democratic Party, and the progressive movement in San Luis Obispo County. America: History and Life, 33:10033 Marcus, Irwin M.; Bullard, Jennie; and
Moore, Rob. "Change and Continuity: Steel Workers in Homestead,
Pennsylvania, 1889-1895." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and
Biography 1987 111(1): 61-75. Chronicles
political action among the workers of the steel company town of Homestead.
When the Carnegie Steel Company purchased the Homestead steel works in
1883, the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers held
sufficient power to impose work rules on the new owner. The company
prevailed in an 1892 lockout. Homestead
workers then turned to public protest and politics.
Homestead became a center of Populist political activity.
With the Republican victory of 1896, the Company regained control
over the town and suppress the workers' struggle.
Only with the rise of the Socialist Party, did workers reassert
their political power. McKinney, Gordon B. "The Politics of Protest: The Labor Reform and Greenback Parties in New Hampshire." Historical New Hampshire 1981 36(2-3): 149-170. In 1870, rapid industrialization and rural population decline led to the formation of the Labor Reform Party of New Hampshire. It failed to achieve any of its objectives, as its support came from disaffected Democrats, allowing Republicans to sweep into power. In the late 1870s, the Greenback Party began organizing in New Hampshire, and workers alienated by the two major parties turned to it with great interest. It also failed. America: History and Life, 20A:2454 Michaels, Patricia. "C.B. Hoffman,
Kansas Socialist." Kansas Historical Quarterly 1975 41(2): 166-182.
Christian Balzac Hoffman became wealthy by investing in milling, real
estate sales, banking, farm machinery manufacturing, and publishing.
He showed interest in socialistic enterprises by sponsoring a
cooperative in Kansas City and a communal settlement at Topolobambo,
Mexico. When the Republican
and People's Parties failed to accomplish genuine economic and social
reforms, Hoffman joined the Socialist Party after 1900, and became one of
its most ardent champions. Miller, Worth Robert. "Building a
Progressive Coalition in Texas: The Populist-Reform Democrat
Rapprochement, 1900-1907." Journal of Southern History. 52(2):
163-82. May 1986. Texas
reformers split into progressive Democrats and Populists in the 1890s. This left conservative Democrats in power.
Reform Democrats invited Populists to return to the Democratic
Party in 1900. They reunited
on the issues of railroad regulation and election reform (direct primary
and poll tax). Ex-Populists
founded the Farmers Union and used it as their mouthpiece.
Reform efforts peaked with the election of Governor Thomas M.
Campbell in 1906. The 1907
legislature was the most reform minded in Texas history, and fulfilled
many of the demands of the Farmers Alliance, Populist Party, and Farmers
Union.
America: History and Life, 24A:5250.
Mochizuki, Kyohito. "Amerika
Shakai Kaiyo Shiso Ryakufu" (A Brief Record of American Social Reform
Ideas). Matsuyama Shodai Ronshu. [Japan]. 18(4):1-25. 1967.
Covers utopias, Grange, Populism and Marxism in 19th century. Montgomery, David. "Labor and the
Republic in Industrial America: 1860-1920." Mouvement Social
[France] 1980 (111): 201-215. The
common roots of the many late-19th century struggles enabled militants to
inspire a sense of moral universality among the producers.
Moore, James T. "The University
and the Readjusters." Virginia Magazine of History and Biography
1970 78(1): 87-101. Virginia's
proto-Populist "Readjusters" opposed the "best people"
concept in educational opportunity and curricula represented by the
University if Virginia. They
promised major revisions in university operation, but, on the whole,
innovated wisely. Moum, Kathleen. "The Social Origins of the Nonpartisan League." North Dakota History 1986 53(2): 18-22. The North Dakota Nonpartisan League had its roots in the Populist movement. It was strongest in the north-central and northwestern parts of the state where immigrant farmers, particularly Norwegian Americans, dominated. America: History and Life, 24A:7846 Nielsen, Kim E. "'We All Leaguers
By Our House': Women, Suffrage, and Red-Baiting in the National
Nonpartisan League." Journal of Women's History 1994 6(1):
31-50. The National
Nonpartisan League, a strong populistic farmers' organization in North
Dakota and Minnesota between 1915 and 1922, attracted accusations of
socialism, disloyalty, and sexual immorality. Its women were often
involved in public protests and organizing activities, pushing the gender
boundaries they simultaneously used for their own protection. Nutter, Kathleen Banks. "'This
Greenback Lunacy': Third Party Politics in Franklin County, 1878." Historical
Journal of Massachusetts 1994 22(2): 106-120. Advocates of the Greenback Party in Greenfield, Massachusetts
included farmers, skilled and unskilled laborers, small business owners,
and professionals. They
accepted industrial capitalism and sought to define their role in the new
system.
America: History and life, 32:15113
Paisley, Clifton. "The Political
Wheelers and Arkansas' Election of 1888." Arkansas Historical
Quarterly Spring 1966 25(1): 3-21.
Arkansas farmers founded the Agricultural Wheel in 1882. The National Union Labor Party adopted their demands in 1888.
Democrats defeated the ULP 99,123 to 81,213 in November.
This threat encouraged Democrats like Jefferson Davis to adopt the
language of the agrarians.
Pratt, William C. “Observations from My Life with Farm Movements in the
Upper Pusateri, C. Joseph. "The Road to Jefferson City: David R. Francis's Campaign for the Governorship, 1888." Missouri Historical Society Bulletin 1968 24(3): 199-211. Francis, the Democratic mayor of Saint Louis, narrowly won election as Missouri's governor in 1888. Among other problems he bore, the newly formed Union Labor Party was not happy with the mayor's performance in two major labor disputes. America: History and Life, 6:1560 Ricker, Ralph R. "The
Greenback-Labor Movement in Pennsylvania." Ph.D. dissertation,
Pennsylvania State University, 1955.
DAI, PS, no. U18, (1955): 0306.
Ridge, Martin. "Ignatius Donnelly
and the Greenback Movement." Mid-America 1957 39(3): 156-168.
The Greenback movement in Minnesota, led by Ignatius Donnelly, did
not represent a radical approach to the monetary problem of the times, but
rather "served as a vehicle of social criticism." Ritter, Gretchen. Goldbugs and
Greenbacks: The Antimonopoly Tradition and the Politics of Finance in
America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Derived from the
author's 1992 MIT Political Science Ph.D. dissertation, "Parties and
the Politics of Money: The Antimonopoly Tradition and American Political
Development, 1865-1896." Various
movements from the National Labor Union to the Populists were involved in
the antimonopoly movement had an alternative political economy tradition
rooted in the republican persuasion of Jeffersonians and Jacksonians.
They sought to preserve economic opportunity and political
participation for all classes in all regions of the country.
Antimonopolists were particularly concerned with reforming the
monetary and banking systems, in order to mitigate economic inequality and
political corruption. The
author uses three case studies to consider the impact of geography - North
Carolina, Illinois, and Massachusetts.
Antimonopolism was a strong, coherent tradition which offered an
intellectually reasonable alternative to corporate liberalism.
They failed because of the combined constraints of the party
system, the political culture, economic institutions, and poor strategic
choices. Rosen, Ellen. "Socialism in Oklahoma: A Theoretical Overview." Politics and Society 1978 8(1): 109-129. The author contends that the apparent similarities between southern populism and Oklahoma socialism masks important differences. Oklahoma farmers turned to socialism as a way of gaining control of the land, although they rejected immediate collectivization of it. America: History and Life, 17A:8439 Saxton, Alexander. "San Francisco Labor and the Populist and Progressive Insurgencies." Pacific Historical Review 1965 34(4): 421-438. Analysis of voting behavior of labor in San Francisco for the Populist and Progressive periods. America: History and Life, 14A:2729 Scharnau, Ralph William. "Thomas
J. Morgan and the United Labor Party of Chicago." Journal of the
Illinois State Historical Society 1973 66(1): 41-61.
Thomas J. Morgan, the socialist leaders of the United Labor Party,
worked as a labor coalition with local trade unions and Knights of Labor
assemblies nationally. He
helped write the 1886 national platform of the new party and made nightly
speeches to workers to support the party ticket.
There were several state Labor Party legislature victories in
Democratic districts in 1886. The
party endorsed Women's suffrage, the eight-hour day for city employees,
better school accommodations, and an equitable taxation system. Morgan continued to spread socialist ideas through the early
1890. Shannon, Fred A. American Farmer's
Movements. 192 p. Princeton: D. Van Nostrand, 1957.
Provided a useful historical sketch and documents.
Skakkebaek,
Mette. "Agrarian Radicalism After the Populists." Taylor, Carl C. The
Farmers' Movement, 1620-1920. 519 p. New York: American Book, 1953.
The Farmers' Movement evolved out of and still revolves around the
issues of prices, markets and credits. Thompson, John. Closing the
Frontier: Radical Response in Oklahoma, 1889-1923. 262 p. Norman and
London: U of Oklahoma P, 1986. Derived
from Thompson's Ph.D. dissertation, "Radical Ideological Responses to
the Closing of the Frontier in Oklahoma, 1889-1923." Rutgers U, 1982.
DAI, 43, no. 04A, (1982): 1269.
Economic development in Oklahoma produced a complex radical
political ideology. As one of
the last open spaces in a world-market system, Walter Prescott Webb's
"Great Frontier" method of settling the new land devastated
Oklahoma, rapidly stripping the most available resources in a completely
unrestrained manner. This
produced a series of radical ideologies (including Populism and
Socialism), which for a brief time challenged the most basic principles of
frontier capitalism. Based
significantly upon secondary sources. Trask, David F. "A Note on the Politics of Populism." Nebraska History 1965 46(2): 157-161. Hypothesizes that Populism was an alliance of farmers and small-town businessmen affected by the Panic of 1893 and critical of big business. The author also suggests that these businessmen Populists later became Progressives and provide continuity between the two movements. America: History and Life, 3:1996 Trefousse, H. L. "Ben Butler and
the New York Election of 1884." New York History 1956 37(2):
185-196. Descriptive analysis
of the abortive attempt of General Benjamin Butler to beat Grover
Cleveland by running as a People's Party candidate in New York.
Verifies charge that Butler's movement was Republican-supported and
also supported by dissident Tammany Democrats. America:
History and Life, 0:4275 Tygiel, Jules. "'Where Unionism Holds Undisputed Sway' - A Reappraisal of San Francisco's Union Labor Party." California History 1983 62(3): 196-215. Many historians consider the ULP a tool of political boss Abraham Ruef, but the party actually represented workingmen in San Francisco. Created in response to Mayor James Phelan's support of employers in a bitter Teamsters' strike, the ULP was indeed captured by Ruef, but after Ruef's downfall the party received continuing support from the city's working class. P. H. McCarthy was elected mayor on the ULP ticket in 1909. America: History and Life, 21A:7751 Voss-Hubbard, Mark. "The 'Third Party Tradition' Reconsidered: Third Parties and American Public Life, 1830-1900." Journal of American History 1999 86(1): 121-150. Throughout the 19th century, third parties evolved from widespread antiparty sentiment and a belief that governance should attend to the public good rather than partisan agendas. This position was generally most effective on the local level. As third-party candidates tried to assert themselves in mainstream politics, however, they were forced to betray the antiparty foundations of the movement by allying with major parties. These alliances and the factionalism they engendered discouraged nonpartisan supporters and undermined the third-party movement. Many reformers and nonpartisans subsequently lent support to the Republican Party, which promised to attend to issues important to them, such as anti-slavery. America: History and Life, 37:874. Wegner, John M. "Remembering the
'Rag Baby': Toledo and the Greenback-National Movement in the 1870s."
Northwest Ohio quarterly 1995 67(3): 118-145.
Toledo was a stronghold for the Greenback Party because of
depression, public debt, and political corruption.
The Greenback platform appealed to farmers, laborers, and
middle-class professionals. |