George Mason, Objections
to the Proposed Constitution (1787)
There is no declaration of rights; and the laws of the general government being
paramount to the laws and constitutions of the several States, the declaration
of rights in the separate States are no security. Nor are the people secured
even in the enjoyment of the benefits of the Common Law: which stands here upon
no other foundation than its having been adopted by the respective acts forming
the constitutions of the several States.
In
the House of Representatives there is not the substance, but the shadow only of
representation; which can never produce proper information in the legislature,
or inspire confidence in the people: the laws will therefore be generally made
by men little concerned in, and unacquainted with their effects and
consequences.
The
Senate have the power of altering all money bills, and of originating
appropriations of money and the salaries of the officers of their own
appointment in conjunction with the President of the United States; although
they are not the representatives of the people, or amenable to them.
These with their other great powers
(their power in the appointment of ambassadors and all public officers, in
making treaties, and in trying all impeachments) their influence upon and
connection with the supreme executive from these causes, their duration of
office, and their being a constant existing body almost continually sitting,
joined with their being one complete branch of the legislature, will destroy any
balance in the government, and enable them to accomplish what usurpations they
please upon the rights and liberties of the people.
The judiciary of the United States is so
constructed and extended, as to absorb and destroy the judiciaries of the
several States; thereby rendering law as tedious, intricate and expensive, and
justice as unattainable, by a great part of the community, as in England, and
enabling the rich to oppress and ruin the poor.
The President of the United States has
no constitutional council (a thing unknown in any safe and regular Government)
he will therefore he unsupported by
proper information and advice; and will generally be directed by minions and
favorites--or he will become a tool to the Senate--or a council of state will
grow out of the principal officers of the great departments; the worst and most
dangerous of all ingredients for such a council, in a free country; for they may
be induced to join in any dangerous or oppressive measures, to shelter
themselves, and prevent an inquiry into their own misconduct in office; whereas
had a constitutional council been formed (as was proposed) of six members (two
from the eastern, two from the middle, and two from the southern States, to be
appointed by vote of the States in the House of Representatives, with the same
duration and rotation of office as the Senate), the executive would always have
had safe and proper information and advice, the president of such a council
might have acted as Vice President of the United States, pro tempore, upon any
vacancy or disability of the chief magistrate; and long continued sessions of
the Senate would in a great measure have been prevented.
From
this fatal defect of a constitutional council has arisen the improper power of
the Senate, in the appointment of public officers, and the alarming dependence
and connection between that branch of the legislature, and the supreme
executive.
Hence
also sprung that unnecessary and dangerous officer, the Vice President; who for
want of other employment, is made President of the Senate; thereby dangerously
blending the executive and legislative powers; besides always giving to some one
of the States an unnecessary and unjust preeminence over the others.
The
President of the United States has the unrestrained power of granting pardon for
treason; which may be sometimes exercised to screen from punishment those whom
he had secretly instigated to commit the crime, and thereby prevent a discovery
of his own guilt.
By
declaring all treaties supreme laws of the land, the executive and the Senate
have in many cases, an exclusive power of legislation; which might have been
avoided by proper distinctions with respect to treaties, and requiring the
assent of the House of Representatives, where it could be done with safety.
By
requiring only a majority to make all commercial and navigation Laws, the five
southern States (whose produce and circumstances are totally different from that
of the eight northern and eastern States) will be ruined; for such rigid and
premature regulations may be made, as will enable the merchants of the northern
and eastern States not only to demand an exorbitant freight, but to monopolize
the purchase of the commodities at their own price, for many years: to the great
Injury of the landed Interest, and impoverishment of the people: and the danger
is the greater, as the gain on one side will be in proportion to the loss on the
other. Whereas requiring two thirds of the members present in both Houses would
have produced mutual moderation, promoted the general Interest, and removed an
insuperable objection to the adoption of the government.
Under
their own construction of the general clause at the end of the enumerated powers
the Congress may grant monopolies in trade and commerce, constitute new crimes,
inflict unusual and severe punishments, and extend their power as far as they
shall think proper; so that the State legislatures have no security for the
powers now presumed to remain to them; or the people for their rights.
There
is no declaration of any kind for preserving the liberty of the press, the trial
by jury in civil causes; nor against the danger of standing armies in time of
Peace.
The
State legislatures are restrained from laying export duties on their own
produce.
The
general legislature is restrained from prohibiting the further importation of
slaves for twenty odd Years; though such importation renders the United States
weaker, more vulnerable, and less capable of defense.
Both
the general legislature and the State legislatures are expressly prohibited
making ex post facto Laws; though there never was, or can be a legislature but
must and will make such laws, when necessity and the public safety require them;
which will hereafter be a breach of all the constitutions in the union, and
afford precedents for other Innovations.
This
government will commence in a moderate aristocracy; it is at present
impossible to foresee whether it will, in its operation, produce a monarchy, or
a corrupt oppressive aristocracy; it will most probably vibrate some years
between the two, and then terminate in the one or the other.